Marlyse Baptista, along with Viviane Deprez, gave an invited lecture at the Centre National de Recherche Scientifique lab on “Structures Formelles du Language”, Groupe de Recherche sur les Grammaires Creoles. June 16, 2008. Paris, France.
View the abstract.
Christopher Becker has filed his dissertation, Clausal and Nominal Agreement in Russian: A Unified Approach, thereby completing all the requirements for his Ph.D. in Linguistics.
Congratulations, Christopher!
ABSTRACT
This dissertation unifies, in different respects, the formal and theoretical analysis of morphosyntactic agreement patterns, both those internal to the clause and internal to the noun phrase, focusing empirically on the syntax of Russian. Specifically, I develop a Minimalist analysis modifying the Agree and Probe-Goals approaches and show that many long-standing issues regarding agreement of formal features and Case can be accounted for without resort to certain stipulations and unclarities. In particular, I propose that clausal agreement reflects the features of the constituents of a subject DP (determiner phrase) and propose locality constraints on this agreement operation. Such a unified account of clausal and nominal feature agreement has been lacking in many proposals that consider the data in only one, or the other, domain.
Within the clausal domain, I examine copular structures in Russian, and propose modifications to the Probe-Goal hypothesis to account for the issues these structures present. Specifically, I demonstrate that DPs in copular structures can bear agreement features and Case independent of each other and I argue that the syntactic head that enters into agreement with the subject is unable to agree with the post-copular nominal. I account for Case variation of the post-copular nominal by positing two distinct Case-licensing heads, one that values nominative Case and one that values instrumental.
Within the nominal domain, I demonstrate that the uniformity of agreement features and Case on determiners, adjectives, and nouns in Russian can be accounted for if the inflectional head of the clause enters into simultaneous agreement relations with each head of the nominal domain – the multiple goal approach to agreement. This formulation of the Probe-Goal hypothesis allows for agreement between the inflectional head of the clause and the subject, and accounts for multiple and uniform occurrence of agreement features and Case within the subject. Regarding numeral phrases, I demonstrate the locality effects of the multiple goal approach to agreement, and account for disparate features and Case marking within these phrases.
This dissertation contributes to the theoretical understanding of agreement phenomena in morphologically rich agreement languages such as Russian and less inflected agreement languages such as English.
Gerardo Fernández-Salgueiro successfully defended his dissertation, entitled Aspects of the Syntax of (TP-) Coordination, Across-the Board Extraction, and Parasitic Gaps, on May 21, 2008.
Dr. Fernández-Salgueiro has accepted a tenure-track position in Linguistics at National Taiwan Normal University.
Congratulations Gerardo
Miki Obata and Sam Epstein presented their talk, Deducing improper movement from phase based C-to-T phi transfer, at the 27th annual meeting of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, held at UCLA May 16-18.
Abstract
We seek to reveal and address empirical and theoretical consequences stemming from
Chomsky’s (2005:OP) C-to-T phi-feature inheritance (hereon CTI) analysis. We claim: [1] Simultaneousvattraction as a consequence of CTI “splits” the features on a wh-phrase: [Case]/[Phi] moves to Spec-T andv[Q] to Spec-C, [2] [1] makes it possible to rule out improper movement (IM) without appealing to the activity condition (see Nevins 2005 for arguments against activity and for a different approach to IM).
We argue that contra standard assumptions, IM is not a unified phenomenon but is
correctly classified into two distinct types: Case on a moving element is valued after A’-movement in (6) and before A’-movement in (7). We demonstrate that both types of IM are explanatorily excluded under the phase-based approach and it is especially the latter case that empirically supports the feature split system presented above. The derivation of (7) is shown in (8). When C and T each attract “who1″ simultaneously (→8b), the features on “who1″ are split: [Q] goes to Spec-C and [phi]/[Case] goes to Spec-T In the matrix clause (→8c), assuming PIC, only (the edge) “who3″ in the embedded Spec-C is visible to matrix C-T probing. Notice that “who3″ has only [Q], not [Phi] by virtue of feature split, so that “who3″ is not an appropriate (matching) goal for the probing matrix T precisely because “who3” lacks [phi]. In contrast, the matrix C can attract “who3″ but [uPhi] on matrix T is never valued, causing crash. This is a
direct result of the CTI, coupled with OP under which C and T separately attract different featural subsets, simultaneously from the ‘same’ launch site. The absence of [phi] on “who3″ makes it impossible for “who3″ to improperly move (“back”) into an A-position, (Spec-T). The other type of IM (6) is also excluded straightforwardly: when the derivation reaches the embedded CP in (6), the transferred TP includes unvalued [uCase] on “who1/2″ causing crash.
Natalia Kondroshova and Christopher Becker each presented work at the 17th meeting of Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics held at Yale May 9-11.
Natalia presented work on Licensing Modality in Infinitival Structures.
Christopher presented work on Case and Agreement Feature Uniformity.
Acrisio Pires and his co-author Jason Rotham (University of Iowa) presented their paper at the 38th Annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages held April 4-6 at the University of Illionois.
Abstract
Given that various influential proposals about syntactic change have been based on acquisition and learnability (e.g. Lightfoot 1999, Clark&Roberts 1993, Roberts 2001, 2007 and refs therein), tests of children’s knowledge of properties that are undergoing change in different dialects are relevant (but still lacking), and can provide new evidence to refine such proposals. With this in mind, the acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is especially relevant, since many aspects to the formal/standard grammar were argued to have been at least partially eliminated from colloquial dialects, differently from European Portuguese (e.g. 3P accusative clitics, enclitic pronouns, null referential subject pro, see Azevedo 1989, Galves 2001, Kato&Roberts 1993, Naro 1981, Salles 2005 and refs therein). However, adult BP speakers that are tested for grammaticality judgments show evidence of full knowledge of certain grammatical properties that are argued to have been lost. Such is the case with inflected infinitives, infinitival forms that are overtly inflected for person/number, independently of tense (1b) (2a): adult BP speakers give evidence of knowledge of the grammatical properties of these forms (e.g. Koike 1983, Perini 1974, Quicoli 1996, Rothman & Iverson 2007). However, such properties were argued to have been partially or entirely eliminated from the grammar of colloquial BP (see Botelho-Pereira&Roncaratti 1993, Lightfoot 1991, Painter 1991, Pires 2002). In addition, corpus studies of colloquial dialects of BP indicate that alternative structures are used to the exclusion of inflected infinitives. This paper focuses on questions such as: (i) To which extent is full/native knowledge of certain grammatical properties determined only by native/child language acquisition? (ii) How can knowledge of grammar that results from native acquisition (Chomsky 1986, 2005) be teased apart from grammatical knowledge that results from late learning, in case the empirical naturalistic data (or the absence thereof) and grammaticality judgments (Chomsky 1964 and much later work) lead to opposite conclusions regarding the knowledge attained by adult speakers? We address these questions by investigating whether the morphosyntax and semantics of inflected infinitives are actually acquired as part of native BP grammatical systems or are instead acquired (or learned) later.
This study tested two hypotheses: (i) whether inflected infinitives are indeed no longer acquired as part of native BP (colloquial) dialects and (ii) whether these forms are actually learned late by BP speakers (e.g. as an artifact of learning standard BP in school). We tested a cross section of BP child/teenage groups (ages range from 6-15) from upper and lower income classes to determine if and when BP children come to acquire inflected infinitives. We present below the results for the upper income class: the only one that showed full knowledge of inflected infinitives.
We conducted two experiments, a morphological recognition task (MRT) and a truth value judgment task (TVJ task, e.g. Crain & Thornton 1998). Test materials were presented in two different (but similar) versions, according to the age of the subjects. Children up to age 9 were tested with a picture matching/choice task (e.g. McDaniel, McKee & Cairns 1996) that involved the participation of a puppet, and subjects age 10 and older were presented with a written version of the same task. The MRT involved 12 stories (3 stories testing 3PL inflected infinitives, 3 stories testing 1PL inflected infinitives, 6 control stories with non-inflected infinitives or present tense). Each story had two test sentences, and correct/incorrect test sentences varied randomly across stories. An example of the MRT with inflected infinitives appears in (1). After each story the child was asked to correct the test sentence if they thought it was incorrect. For the younger children, the test sentence was uttered by the puppet, Tigger, given that children were told that Tigger was still learning Portuguese, and sometimes needed help when he made mistakes.
In the TVJ task the subjects were told stories such as (2). They were then presented with the test sentence (uttered by the puppet as the end of the story) and asked to pick the picture/description that corresponded to that story end (or to say what happened in case they did not accept either picture/description). There were 24 stories, with a total of 12 test sentences (6 each for inflected infinitives 3PL and 1PL forms) and 12 fillers/distractors (including non-inflected infinitives). Test sentences targeted three syntactic/semantic properties of non-inflected infinitives (vs. non-inflected infinitives): (i) non-obligatory control (2a,c), (ii) strict reading under ellipsis and (iii) the possibility of split antecedents.
The experimental data clearly show (confirmed statistically across both tests) that children under the age of ten (and from the youngest school age) do not have grammatical knowledge of the distinctive syntax and semantics of inflected infinitives (for both tests these groups did not differentiate between inflected and uninflected infinitives, for every counterbalanced property, i.e. p>.05 for all relevant categories). In addition, children and teenagers above age ten develop such knowledge incrementally: we show that only children/teenagers above age 10 show incremental evidence of knowledge of inflected infinitives: by the age of 13, subjects performed as expected of a native grammar with inflected infinitives (every counterbalanced comparison was p<.001 for all relevant categories). The late learning (arguably post critical period) of inflected infinitives confirms proposals of Portuguese dialectal variation and BP diachronic change. However, BP educated speakers still learn inflected infinitives as teenagers, which can explain the grammatical knowledge shown by adults, and gives relevance to the potential role of standardization and literacy in the acquisition of grammatical knowledge that is restricted to a standard, non-native dialect but has been lost from native vernacular dialects.(1) (Story testing 3PL inflected infinitive) A Margarida e a Minie gostam de esportes. Elas semprem fazem natação, mas hoje o esporte delas é outro. Por que a escolha delas mudou?
Daisy and Minnie like sports. They always swim, but today they picked a different sport. Why did their choice change?
Test sentences (uttered by puppet, for younger subjects):
a. *É muito difícil elas nadar todo dia. (incorrect non-inflected infinitive form)
It is very difficult they swim every day.
b. Agora é mais importante a Daisy e a Minnie correrem mais vezes. (3PL infl. inf)
Now it is more important for Daisy and Minnie to run more times.
(2) Story: O Mickey estava em casa, com o Pato Donald e a Margarida. O carro estava muito sujo e precisava de uma limpeza.
Mickey was at home, with Donald Duck and Daisy. The car was very dirty and needed cleaning.
a. Test sentence: O Mickey ficou satisfeito de lavarem o carro.
Mickey was happy of wash-INF-3PL the car.
‘Mickey was happy that they washed the car.’
b. Wrong picture: shows Mickey washing the car alone (no one else is on the picture).
c. Correct picture: shows Donald and Daisy washing the car (Mickey is absent).
Cati Fortin was named as a 2008 recipient of the highly competitive Distinguished Dissertation Award.
Cati’s dissertation, “Indonesian sluicing and verb phrase ellipsis: Description and explanation in a minimalist framework” investigates two elliptical phenomena, sluicing and verb phrase ellipsis (VPE), in Indonesian. The dissertation is equally concerned with description and formal analysis, and provides the first in-depth description and generative analysis of both Indonesian sluicing and VPE.
Cati is currently a visiting assistant professor in syntax at Carleton College.
Congratulations. Cati!!
Kate Arcangeli (Linguistics, 2008) presented a paper at the 2nd annual Cornell Linguistics Undergraduate Colloquium held March 8-9. Her talk was titled, “The Syntax of ne-Cliticization in Italian.”
The College of Literature, Science and the Arts has recommended that Acrisio Pires be promoted to Associate Professor with tenure.
This is an outstanding accomplishment and wonderful news.
Congratulations, Acrisio!!
Noun Phrases in Creole Languages: A Multi-faceted Approach
From the publisher
This volume offers a thorough examination of the syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and discourse properties of noun phrases in a wide variety of creole (and non-creole) languages including Cape Verdean Creole, Santome, Papiamentu, Guinea-Bissau Creole, Mindanao Chabacano, Réunionnais Creole, Lesser Antillean, Haitian Creole, Mauritian Creole, Seychellois, Sranan, Jamaican Creole, Berbice Dutch Creole and African American English. Comparative studies also consider the determiner systems of Middle and Modern French, European Portuguese, Brazilian Portuguese, Spanish, Ewe, Fon and Gun. This compilation of 16 chapters brings together descriptive, theoretical, diachronic and synchronic studies that focus on the structure and interpretation of bare nouns in creoles. The contributions demonstrate the variety and complex nature of determiner systems in creoles and their widespread use of bare nouns in comparison to their source languages. This volume is evidence of the relevance of creole languages to theories of language creation, language change and linguistic theory in general.
