New Paper: Control in Greek
Title: Control in Greek: It’s another good move
Authors: Konstantia Kapetangianni (U of Michigan) & T. Daniel Seely (Eastern Michigan U).
Published in: New Horizons in the Analysis of Control and Raising
Series: Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory , Vol. 71 (Publisher: Springer)
Davies, William D.; Dubinsky, Stanley (Eds.)
Abstract:
In this paper we attempt an exercise in explanation by deduction relative to subjunctive clauses in Greek. We argue that the standardly noted properties of OC vs. NOC subjunctive clauses, along with a range of (unnoticed) properties problematic to previous accounts, can be “explained” within a reductivist minimalist framework. We start with the question: what is the least we can say? We answer that we can go a surprisingly long way with just this: in some cases, the abstract Agr(eement) element associated with the subjunctive verb form is phi-defective (i.e. does not have the full set of abstract phi features); elsewhere the Agr element associated with subjunctive is phi-complete. With respect to their surface morphology the subjunctive clauses are identical, with respect to underlying abstract phi features, they are not. It is an irreducible property of certain verbs that they select defective Agr in the subjunctive clause. Phi complete Agr occurs elsewhere. We argue that this simple featural distinction goes a surprisingly long way in deducing, and hence explaining, the properties of subjunctive clauses; and has consequences beyond.